Wednesday, March 15, 2006

Tsunami, Sri Lanka and the LTTE

The December 26, 2004 Tsunami killed over half a million people and rendered a million people homeless in the island country. It was a double blow to the war-ravaged north and east of Sri Lanka, which was just beginning to recover from two decades of bitter ethnic conflict. However the tsunami disaster has prompted a massive global aid response. But getting much needed supplies to the estimated 5 million people in the region who have lost their homes is no easy task. As such it was the prime duty of the government in power devoid of party politics to disburse the relief funds and implement rehabilitation and reconstruction programmes for all the affected areas of the country irrespective of ethnicity and regional diversity.


The troubles over Sri Lanka's tsunami aid distribution has reached a climax after the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE signed a memorandum of understanding on 24 June 2005 for setting up a joint mechanism (JM) to carry out the post- tsunami reconstruction work. This is called as the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS). The final document on the JM was presented to the Sri Lankan Parliament amidst protests by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and by the Muslim supporters. Why should JVP, since then a part of the government, protest? Why should the Muslims oppose the JM? In what way international actors have influenced this JM?

The P-TOMS, said as a simple a mechanism aimed at planning to share US $4.0 billion in the international tsunami aid with the LTTE and the
Sri Lanka Government to work out ways and means to rehabilitate millions who are affected by the tsunami in the country. The P-TOMS or the Joint Mechanism consists of three tiers headed by a high level committee comprising three members - one government nominee, one nominee by Muslim parties and one LTTE nominee. The objective of the JM is to ‘equitably share the massive resources pledged for Tsunami relief, reconstruction and rehabilitation, between the worst affected North and East and the rest of the country particularly the South’. Talking about P-TOMS, the Sri Lankan President said that, ‘the proposed structure was not a pact with the LTTE but merely an arrangement to facilitate tsun! ! ami relief distribution with the participation of all communities’.

International donors have pledged four billion US dollars in post-conflict reconstruction aid and added another billion US dollars for the tsunami reconstruction effort. Europe seems to involve itself not just by monetary means but also through its actual influence politically. Norway is playing a role of Coordinator, supported by the donors to play its part between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE. The British Development Minister Gareth Thomas underlined the importance of setting up a JM with the LTTE for tsunami relief coordination.

On the contrary, the argument the JVP parliamentary leaders endeavored to develop in Sri Lanka’s legislature in opposing the signing of the Joint Mechanism is that the LTTE, which has waged war against the Government of Sri Lanka since 1983 to win a separate state and subsequently an internationally-recognized ‘statehood’, will soon satisfy the basic criteria set out by the Montevideo Convention to gain the United Nations recognition for a “State of Tamil Eelam.”


LTTE on its part, went about systematically to organize its international effort to collect support in cash and kind from all over the world directly, independent of TRO’s own efforts. It set up special action committees for collecting funds in ten countries including France, Italy, Denmark, Norway, Germany, UK, Switzerland, Sweden, Holland and Australia. Whether one likes it or not, the plain fact is that the LTTE is in actual control of vast extent of north-east and can influence events in much of the ‘cleared’ areas as well. It is also in a position of military parity with the Sri Lankan State, which is the raison d'ĂȘtre for the ceasefire agreement. This is the ground reality. Therefore an amicable inclusion of LTTE in the JM is unavoidable.

However the Muslims, who were one among the worst hit in the tsunami tragedy, feel that they have been cheated in the secret tripartite parleys between the government, the LTTE and the Norwegian peace brokers on the Joint Mechanism. It was accused that the document on the mechanism finalized after several rounds of discussions tends to favor the LTTE and has ‘not recognized the immense suffering borne by the Muslims’. A Muslim leader said that ‘the Muslims want parity (with LTTE), if not a majority, as a basic safeguard’.

Thus, the Tsunami offered both the Sri Lankan government and LTTE a very good opportunity to set aside their differences for the time being and get involved in relief and rehabilitation work together. It is time they put their money where their mouth is and convert their mere proposal into concrete action now. Isn’t it true that, ‘natural calamities are great levellers as they affect friend and foe alike’?

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